Yesterday, yet another activist judge ruled that compelling children to recite the Pledge of Allegiance in public schools is unconstitutional. We can only imagine the fury this event will unleash, even in the wake of Hurricane Katrina’s deadly aftermath and the realization to many that they do not live in the country they thought they did.
There are many ways that we could address this ruling, and its inevitable backlash.
We could remind people that not everyone in this country believes in a god, gods, providence, intelligent design, destiny, or any other supernatural phenomenon. We could say that yes, these people do represent a minority opinion in this country, but that even a minority objection should be enough to broker some kind of neutrality on the subject, especially in a country born of compromise to minority interests.
We could point to the First Amendment and its establishment clause. We could argue that compelling public schoolchildren to endorse the idea that their country exists at the mercy of a god is, at the very least, a kind of religious establishment. We could say that the word “God” is not an ubiquitous non-denominational generality devoid of meaning. Were it so, nobody would object to its deletion.
We could say that those who feel obliged to offer an acknowledgement to their god would not be affected by this ruling. We could say that such people are perfectly able to celebrate the union of god and government, which they see as a divine gift. Such people will forever be free to make offerings, public or private, to the god that has blessed them with such good governance. This ruling applies only to public schools that compel all children to perform this ritual of loyalty. The absence of enforcement, we might argue, does not constitute prohibition.
We could cite the history of the Pledge. We could show that its original form apparently warranted no “under God” stipulations. We could argue that the McCarthy Congress perverted Francis Bellamy’s 1892 original. We could say that this 1954 Red-scared Congress very pointedly and deliberately added religious context as an inoculation against godless Communism. We might also suggest that this particular Congress, so steeped in its segregationist madness, was less a moral authority than a monumental stain on our nation’s heritage.
We could show that Francis Bellamy was quite public in his racism, that he despised the oncoming wave of Southern European immigrants and their religious allegiance to papal supremacy. We could suggest that his Pledge of Allegiance was Bellamy’s way of indoctrinating these masses to American loyalties and of diminishing the influence of a foreign church in his country. We could revel in the irony that a ritual designed to limit religious influence is now a tool to prescribe religion.
We could repeat the story of how the original pledge ritual involved a kind of Sieg Heil! stance, which by World War II was embarrassing enough to be replaced with a hand over the heart.
We could say that the arguments in favor of “under God” are the arguments against it. If “under God” is not an endorsement of religion, then why do the religious clergy demand that non-religious children be compelled to recite it?
We could expose the obvious: the ritualized declaration of loyalty to an inanimate object constitutes idolatry. We acknowledge human sentimentality and the need to romanticize the familiar, but pledging loyalty, in a ceremonial fashion, is the very definition of worship.
Worshipping graven images, symbols of greater power, is, or at least was in the past, a serious sin to monotheists. We couldn’t possibly explain the motivation of alleged monotheists in prompting schoolchildren to openly commit the most egregious sin in their canon. We don’t understand how this could be pleasing to the god who exhaustively prohibited this activity.
Of course, the inclusion of “under God” by mere mortals into this ritual would seem to be a way of insinuating their god’s consent to this whole practice: so long as he receives tribute, he will abide. Perhaps this explains their devotion to the “under God” provision. Without it, they risk the wrath and damnation of a jealous god. Without “under God”, the Pledge must be an abomination.
Any one of these arguments could be persuasive enough. And indeed, variations on these arguments will circulate and wind their way into the courts. Rather than make these arguments, we would much rather state a bold maxim that circumvents argumentation on this subject.
Free people pledge allegiance to nothing. Freedom defies allegiances, let alone necessitates their pledges. One is not free in devotion to governments, one is free in defiance of governments. Free people don’t worship an ideal; they live it.
So then, why is it the business of an allegedly free country to enforce loyalty, with or without the veneration of gods?
Sabinus
